Nobody to match Bush

Quote from KymarFye:



I guess I can see why you wouldn't have any problem with the use made of Cheney's words (which I see is repeated in that familiar list of quotations Madison put up), as it's also one of your favorite tactics to take a statement out of context and try to turn it into something it's not.

Really, if you can't acknowledge what an altogether phony item the "reconstituted nuclear weapons" quotation is, then it really is as totally hopeless to try to discuss these issues with you as I've come to suspect.



Typical exception. Look into the concept. Pathological liars are obviously a special case.

I suppose if I ask you where your car is, and you say it's in the garage, but someone without your knowledge stole it, then you were lying?

Kant's famous definition of of the difference between a lie and an untrue statement was of a person being on the street, seeing a man run by, being asked which direction he went, and reporting honestly. If the man turns around and runs the other way, he does not make the witness into a liar by doing so.

But you really pretty much know that all already, don't you? Isn't it really that you'll seize on anything that occurs to you for the sake of annoying me and disagreeing with me?

I don't think Kant would approve.

Yes, there is indeed a difference between telling the truth (absence of lying) and telling us something that is factual.

It doesn't take Emmanuel Kant to figure that one out.

So Bush said things that weren't factual. Was he lying when he did so?

Maybe yes, maybe no.

I was just listening to Sean Hannity, and he was saying emphatically, as he always spouts his opinion, just as those who are always sure they are right, correct, and moral always do with such condescending and self righteous dogmatic certainty....

He was saying that "Bush did not lie, we all know that."

I would ask him how he came to this "knowledge" of Bush's inner intentions.

People can believe Bush didn't lie. People believed Reagan didn't lie, or have anything to do with Iran Contra. People can believe Nixon when he said he was not a crook (hell....Coulter probably would give him a medal for his part in Watergate and the cover up). People can believe Clinton didn't inhale, or have "sex with that woman." People can believe Teddy Kennedy had nothing to do with Mary Joe Kopechni.

What they believe, however has no direct connection to fact necessarily.

Provide factual evidence and proof that Bush isn't lying, and wasn't lying....and you may sound like someone other than a right wing spin doctor, and while you are at it, provide proof and fact that you favorite tactic is not to spin your belief system as the "right" and only non-silly, non-loony belief system.

Kant would suspend belief of Bush's veracity and inner motivations without proof, why won't you?
 
Quote from tatertrader:




Again - repetition and reassertion are your only resort. The facts simply do not support your position no matter how many times you try to evade that simple truth.


Who armed and trained the Afghan militias? Who invested them with the misguided belief that they could take on and defeat a superpower? Who left them armed to the teeth yet politically and economically isolated? http://www.payk.net/mailingLists/iran-news/html/current/msg11499.html



Funny, I don't recall rusting T-55's or grounded Mirage jets counted among the "weapons of mass destruction" inventoried during Bush's SOTU speech, nor during Powell's address to the UN?


We do know however where his first chemistry set and sea-monkey farm came from: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB82/

Non-responsive: You asked, "Who armed Osama?" You did not ask, "Who armed the mujahideen?" Undoubtedly, some of the arms supplied to Afghan rebels ended up with Osama, and though we, of course, can't say what Osama and the gang would have been doing throughout the '90s if the Afghan war had never occurred, it's probably fair to consider Al Qaeda a product of the Afghan conflict and at least in part an unintended consequence of US support for the rebels against the Soviets. It was one of the last of the Cold War "lesser evils," and, though one may choose to argue over almost any one of them, the overall result is one that few Americans are ashamed of.

Your question appeared to imply that the US was a particular sponsor of Osama and Al Qaeda. Your documentation does not demonstrate that at all.

As for Saddam, you did not ask, "Who provided Saddam with some materials useful for chemical weapons during the Iran-Iraq war?" You asked, "Who armed Saddam?" The T-55s, T-72s, APCs, AK-47s, artillery pieces, training, doctrine, and so on, and so on, mainly came from the countries I previously mentioned, especially the Soviets. Even regarding the narrow issue of chemical weapons, it's not clear at all that US help was essential - that is, that Saddam couldn't have gotten what he needed and wanted from elsewhere - as many countries, many with much less technical expertise and much smaller financial resources, have done. (Even the Japanese cult group Aum Shinrikyo was able to acquire Sarin, for instance.)

Nor do you respond to the question of what difference it would make even if one assumed the worst about past US involvement with Osama and Saddam other than, as I suggested, to reinforce the US responsibility for dealing with them. This isn't just a rhetorical point, for, in many ways, regardless of the specifics of foreign aid, alliances of convenience, and irrelevant blame-laying, OBL and SH are both very much creatures of the international economic and political system the US and others historically supported. Precisely because a lack of interest in the so-called internal affairs of states like Iraq and Afghanistan led to great danger for the world, and great suffering for the peoples of those and other countries, some of us are quite wiling to think about alternatives, and the Bush Administration has outlined a different approach.

Nor, typically, do you specify what your alternatives, whether specifically regarding OBL and Saddam, or generally, would be. You're content with empty cheering for your side and attacks on the other side in the form of vague generalizations about "real solutions" and "long-term security."

That may work for you and your like-minded friends, but it isn't a basis for making serious policy in the real world.
 
Quote from OPTIONAL777:



Yes, there is indeed a difference between telling the truth (absence of lying) and telling us something that is factual.

It doesn't take Emmanuel Kant to figure that one out.

So Bush said things that weren't factual. Was he lying when he did so?

Maybe yes, maybe no.

I was just listening to Sean Hannity, and he was saying emphatically, as he always spouts his opinion, just as those who are always sure they are right, correct, and moral always do with such condescending and self righteous dogmatic certainty....

He was saying that "Bush did not lie, we all know that."

I would ask him how he came to this "knowledge" of Bush's inner intentions.

People can believe Bush didn't lie. People believed Reagan didn't lie, or have anything to do with Iran Contra. People can believe Nixon when he said he was not a crook (hell....Coulter probably would give him a medal for his part in Watergate and the cover up). People can believe Clinton didn't inhale, or have "sex with that woman." People can believe Teddy Kennedy had nothing to do with Mary Joe Kopechni.

What they believe, however has no direct connection to fact necessarily.

Provide factual evidence and proof that Bush isn't lying, and wasn't lying....and you may sound like someone other than a right wing spin doctor, and while you are at it, provide proof and fact that you favorite tactic is not to spin your belief system as the "right" and only non-silly, non-loony belief system.

Kant would suspend belief of Bush's veracity and inner motivations without proof, why won't you?

I suspect Kant would not presume that Bush was lying without good reason to do so, as he would be aware that making baseless charges of dishonesty in all likelihood would involve a violation of the categorical imperative and of a number of other imperatives, too.

The evidence for the main case on the war was overwhelming, without any resort to secret intelligence or any speculation as to Bush's "inner intentions." Specific items can be questioned, and one may or may not find the explanations put forward by the Administration or its supporters satisfactory, but how would anyone be able to prove for you the general proposition that Bush isn't or wasn't lying?

You have your suspicions, apparently because you have suspicions about all politicians. You're allowed to, but why should anyone else care until you provide a tangible basis for them, and for their significance? If all politicians are liars, as you seem to believe, then we're stuck with a liar anyway, even if we get rid of Bush.

As a general proposition, the Administration was, in my opinion, quite candid about its Iraq policy and aims, in all its ramifications and complexities. Contrary to frequently heard assertions, it has, for instance, actively downplayed the notion of a direct link between Saddam and 9/11 - despite some circumstantial evidence that an Administration that felt its case was lacking and that was determined to exaggerate might have seized on. Similarly, when the banned nuclear components and documentation were uncovered in an Iraqi nuclear scientist's backyard, the Administration immediately came out with comments to the effect that the material was not a "smoking gun" on an active nuclear weapons program. And if the Administration was bent on deception, it has had ample opportunity to fake bio/chem test results from suspicious sites and compounds.

In short, until a good reason is produced for us to believe that the Administration deliberately fabricated evidence or knowingly misled the American people in any substantial way - a specific item of any real significance that went beyond misstatement or, as AAA put it, basic advocacy in a political context - charges of deception will tend to say more about the accuser than the accused.
 
Who's stopping you?


__________________

-tatertrader


No one. But maybe you should answer the same question. You are trying to shove your prejudices down the conservative throat. I am saying we should divide the country and you can do as you damn well please but so can we. Seems fair to me.
 
Through an unusual set of circumstances, I have been given documentary evidence of the names and positions of the 600 closest people in Iraq to Saddam Hussein, as well as his ongoing relationship with Osama bin Laden.

I am looking at the document as I write this story from my hotel room overlooking the Tigris River in Baghdad.

One of the lawyers with whom I have been working for the past five weeks had come to me and asked me whether a list of the 600 people closest to Saddam Hussein would be of any value now to the Americans.

I said, yes, of course. He said that the list contained not only the names of the 55 ''deck of cards'' players who have already been revealed, but also 550 others.

When I began questioning him about the list, how he obtained it and what else it showed, he asked would it be of interest to the Americans to know that Saddam had an ongoing relationship with Osama bin Laden.

I said yes, the Americans have, so far as I am aware, have never been able to prove that relationship, but the president and others have said that they believe it exists. He said, ''Well, judge, there is no doubt it exists, and I will bring you the proof tomorrow.''

So today he brought me the proof, and there is no doubt in my mind that he is right.

The document shows that an Iraqi intelligence officer, Abid Al-Karim Muhamed Aswod, assigned to the Iraq embassy in Pakistan, is ''responsible for the coordination of activities with the Osama bin Laden group.''

The document shows that it was written over the signature of Uday Saddam Hussein, the son of Saddam Hussein. . . .

That is the story of the ''Honor Roll of 600,'' and why I believe that President Bush was right when he alleged that Saddam was in cahoots with Osama and was coordinating activities with him.

It does not prove that they engaged together in any particular act of terror against the United States.

But it seems to me to be strong proof that the two were in contact and conspiring to perform terrorist acts.

Up until this time, I have been skeptical about these claims. Now I have changed my mind. There is, however, one big problem remaining: They are both still at large and the combined forces of the free world have been unable to find them.

Until we find and capture them, they will remain a threat — Saddam with the remnants of his army and supporters in combination with the worldwide terrorist organization of Osama bin Laden.

Those who know Judge Merritt -- a lifelong Democrat and a man of unimpeachable integrity -- will know just how significant this is
 
Quote from KymarFye:

I suspect Kant would not presume that Bush was lying without good reason to do so, as he would be aware that making baseless charges of dishonesty in all likelihood would involve a violation of the categorical imperative and of a number of other imperatives, too.

I suspect Kant would be smart enough to evaluate Bush as a politician in the light of what politicians do, against his history as a politician, against his alcoholic past and his present family abuse of alcohol, etc.

I don't agree that he would see the charges of potential dishonesty as needing to suspended, but would without bias listen to the facts before forming an opinion. In essence, he would listen to reason, and filter out the bias that comes from those entrenched in ideology of either right or left. He would approach the situation without bias, and just evaluate the facts.

Can you claim to be doing that?

Kant never suggested to categorically trust people, especially politicians.

You don't really expect anyone to believe that you evaluate Bush from a Kantian perspective, do you?

Kant would be open to fact and possibility, clearly you are not.

The evidence for the main case on the war was overwhelming, without any resort to secret intelligence or any speculation as to Bush's "inner intentions." Specific items can be questioned, and one may or may not find the explanations put forward by the Administration or its supporters satisfactory, but how would anyone be able to prove for you the general proposition that Bush isn't or wasn't lying?

No one could prove it, unless they could record his comments via recording device where he clearly said something other than what he told the American public.

We could get a witness who will swear he heard Bush say something other than what he said to the American people, and people would then have to decide if such a witness was credible or not.

It is only your opinion that the main case on the war was overwhelming in support of the immediacy of war, clearly not a fact, or a set of facts that would convince any an all men or reason.

Until such time that you prove to be above ideology and a conclusion that war was the right path to take in this situation, you would not be deemed an objective source to spout to the conclusive comments that the case for war as "overwhelming" as you claim.

As usual, just your opinion, not a series of facts that create their own conclusion.

That is mostly what you do, state opinion as if your opinion were fact.

You have your suspicions, apparently because you have suspicions about all politicians. You're allowed to, but why should anyone else care until you provide a tangible basis for them, and for their significance? If all politicians are liars, as you seem to believe, then we're stuck with a liar anyway, even if we get rid of Bush.

Tangible basis for my suspicions? You mean like the tangible WMD that we needed to go to war with Iraq to keep from being used against the USA?

The burden of proof was on Bush to make a case for the immediacy of war, which he did on the basis of WMD constituting an immediate threat to national security.

He made a case, all that is missing now is the evidence of his case.

It would be like saying we needed to raid a drug dealer to prevent drugs being sold to teenagers, but the raid reveals no drugs.

The court would not look favorably on granting the next search warrant if the last search warrant was obtained on false pretenses, and the drug dealer would go free without proof of drugs actually existing upon that raid.

So my point is either the intelligence was faulty, and not to be relied on next time without greater evidence, or Bush lied to us in which case we should not trust his case presented to us without more evidence, real evidence, not concocted or speculative evidence.

As a general proposition, the Administration was, in my opinion, quite candid about its Iraq policy and aims, in all its ramifications and complexities. Contrary to frequently heard assertions, it has, for instance, actively downplayed the notion of a direct link between Saddam and 9/11 - despite some circumstantial evidence that an Administration that felt its case was lacking and that was determined to exaggerate might have seized on. Similarly, when the banned nuclear components and documentation were uncovered in an Iraqi nuclear scientist's backyard, the Administration immediately came out with comments to the effect that the material was not a "smoking gun" on an active nuclear weapons program. And if the Administration was bent on deception, it has had ample opportunity to fake bio/chem test results from suspicious sites and compounds.

In your opinion, yes, in your opinion. The administration doesn't need to fake evidence now, they have already engaged the war. They got their way, didn't they?

Should the opinion polls suddenly show that people think Bush did in fact lie to the people regarding WMD, and if his approval goes down accordingly, I will wager we will sudden and miraculously find WMD.

In short, until a good reason is produced for us to believe that the Administration deliberately fabricated evidence or knowingly misled the American people in any substantial way - a specific item of any real significance that went beyond misstatement or, as AAA put it, basic advocacy in a political context - charges of deception will tend to say more about the accuser than the accused.

My point is that we should not necessarily trust a president blindly on the basis of party affiliation, or because we just happen to agree with his actions.

We need fact, the type of fact that would convince any and all reasonable men of the need for our policy and actions.

Even before the war and 9/11, there were critics from both the left and right who questioned the consistency of Bush's policy both domestic and international.

Should we just blindly assume the president is innocent until proven guilty? Oh you mean the way the Republicans treated Clinton and company and gave them the benefit of the doubt in every case where fact could not decide a case. Afford the president the benefit of the doubt, right? That is their M.O. when it comes to their political opposition, right?
 
Quote from OPTIONAL777:

Quote from KymarFye:
You don't really expect anyone to believe that you evaluate Bush from a Kantian perspective, do you?

Uh, no - it was kind of a joke.

Kant would be open to fact and possibility, clearly you are not.

He was not said to have much of a sense of humor, however.


The evidence for the main case on the war was overwhelming, without any resort to secret intelligence or any speculation as to Bush's "inner intentions." Specific items can be questioned, and one may or may not find the explanations put forward by the Administration or its supporters satisfactory, but how would anyone be able to prove for you the general proposition that Bush isn't or wasn't lying?

No one could prove it, unless they could record his comments via recording device where he clearly said something other than what he told the American public.

We could get a witness who will swear he heard Bush say something other than what he said to the American people, and people would then have to decide if such a witness was credible or not.

It is only your opinion that the main case on the war was overwhelming in support of the immediacy of war, clearly not a fact, or a set of facts that would convince any an all men or reason.

There you go again. "Immediacy" - when not "imminence" or "urgency" - is your bugaboo, not mine. It's a shifty bugaboo, too, as bugaboos go, I might add. Sometimes, it's an open question for which you don't have an answer - as in what degree of urgency and what specific kind of urgency would be urgent or immediate or imminent enough for you. Sometimes it's the ONLY issue that matters.

I spoke to the "main case for the war," not the "main case... in support of the immediacy of war." I have several times outlined what I understand to be the larger case for the war both as argued by the Administration and as I think of it from my own perspective. I have spoken to timing and logistical issues, which are separate matters, but which do also bear - in very real, practical, life and death ways - on the preferability of acting at one time over another. I have also spoken to the particular nature of the threats being addressed, and how, in my opinion and in the opinion of the Administration, they force one to think of urgency and just cause in a somewhat different light than has been customary for the US in the past. The last time I discussed this issue specifically, just a few pages ago, focusing on the kind of pre-emption being attempted in Iraq, instead of responding, you chose instead to make a comment implying that I was merely posturing as a "military strategist."

I have also c&p'd articles on the subject. We have discussed the nature of judgment and opinion, and recognized that there is no objective standard, but always an element of judgment in any decision on war. At other times, I have cited specific statements - such as the clear and unequivocal statements in the SOTU address in which Bush explicitly argued that imminence was not the proper criterion.

And, after all that, you slip in this immediacy thing again, and a request for some mythical and impossible set of facts that would in and of themselves justify war.

Most of the rest of your comments continue to rely on this one idea - that only the discovery of deliverable WMDs in Iraq would retroactively justify the war or prove that Bush wasn't lying. Suppose, for instance, that the truth turns out to be, as the captured Tariq Aziz is reported to have said, that the last of all deliverable WMDs were destroyed on the eve of the war - for reasons having to do, apparently, with Saddam's political strategy. Or suppose that they were securely hidden beyond discovery. Then there would be no way, ever, for the Administration, in your view, to prove it's case (assuming one uses the unjustifiably narrow version of the case that you prefer). Indeed, it seems that the only thing that would have proven the case for you would have been if WMDs had actually been used in America or the rather unlikely event of some Iraqi or Iraq-connected terrorist being caught in the act: seized in mid-throw while hurling a Sarin grenade at a swap meet or something...

The administration doesn't need to fake evidence now, they have already engaged the war. They got their way, didn't they?

Should the opinion polls suddenly show that people think Bush did in fact lie to the people regarding WMD, and if his approval goes down accordingly, I will wager we will sudden and miraculously find WMD.

With such statements you merely confirm the depth of your hostility to the Administration - or perhaps to its supporters. Apparently, you are like some of the anti-war types who within hours of the fall of Baghdad were predicting that WMD evidence would be planted. As the story advances, there will be plenty of opportunity for people to make judgments on the believability of whatever information comes forth. Undoubtedly, there will be many who are now so committed to disbelief that nothing will sway them. Should we expect you to be among them?

Should we just blindly assume the president is innocent until proven guilty?

Blindly? Of course not. We can only apply our judgment to the evidence as it unfolds.

Oh you mean the way the Republicans treated Clinton and company and gave them the benefit of the doubt in every case where fact could not decide a case. Afford the president the benefit of the doubt, right? That is their M.O. when it comes to their political opposition, right?

I'm not sure whom you mean by "the Republicans," but, generally speaking, I don't think either side exactly covered itself in glory during the Clinton years, or provided a very good model for going forward, least of all on questions of national security.
 
Quote from KymarFye:


There you go again.

Been spending you time listening to old Ronald Reagan debates, have you?

"Immediacy" - when not "imminence" or "urgency" - is your bugaboo, not mine. It's a shifty bugaboo, too, as bugaboos go, I might add. Sometimes, it's an open question for which you don't have an answer - as in what degree of urgency and what specific kind of urgency would be urgent or immediate or imminent enough for you. Sometimes it's the ONLY issue that matters.

The issues were in dispute. It was the immediacy of a need to act now, to suspend weapons inspections that the inspectors were claiming were effective and showed promise. It had to be war right now, not in 6 months, not in a year, etc., because the administration claimed that waiting increased the risk of an attack by Iraq. Yet, we saw no attack from Iraq even when they knew we were coming to get them, even when we attacked them, even now when they could easily use the WMD in acts of terrorism against troops in Iraq. Yet, no display or evidence of active WMD development.

With a country still reeling from 9/11 looking for security, it was an easy sell, just like selling life insurance to the wife by telling horror stories of what happens to widows without life insurance.

We have no evidence to date that there was an immediate threat, or a building threat. No evidence that the need was urgent either to this point.

The "bugaboo" is not mine alone, it is a concern of many others who are now wondering if it was really necessary to act when we did.

The longer this goes on without evidence of an immediate threat, the questions increase that maybe in fact containment was working, and the potential for weapons inspections coupled with the "threat" of force could have been successful.


I spoke to the "main case for the war," not the "main case... in support of the immediacy of war." I have several times outlined what I understand to be the larger case for the war both as argued by the Administration and as I think of it from my own perspective. I have spoken to timing and logistical issues, which are separate matters, but which do also bear - in very real, practical, life and death ways - on the preferability of acting at one time over another. I have also spoken to the particular nature of the threats being addressed, and how, in my opinion and in the opinion of the Administration, they force one to think of urgency and just cause in a somewhat different light than has been customary for the US in the past. The last time, I discussed this issue specifically, focusing on the kind of pre-emption being attempted in Iraq, instead of responding, you chose instead to make a comment implying that I was merely posturing as a "military strategist."

The case for war that you made, without the urgency of WMD threat, would in all likelihood not have convinced the American people of the need for war such that we had to break from our allies in Europe and the Soviet Union. All the cost, lost of lives, political upheavals, international conflict, risk of further terrorism by angering those who live in the middle east, lack of success in capturing Hussein, not finding WMD, etc.

I have also c&p'd articles on the subject. We have discussed the nature of judgment and opinion, and recognized that there is no objective standard, but always an element of judgment in any decision on war. At other times, I have cited specific statements - such as the clear and unequivocal statements in the SOTU address in which Bush explicitly argued that imminence was not the proper criterion.

Wild and others have C&P's articles countering the opinions of those you pasted.

Had that argument Bush gave in the SOTU address been sufficient to justify war, why the need to focus on WMD, why go to the U.N., why send Powell to the U.N., etc.

And, after all that, you slip in this immediacy thing again, and a request for some mythical and impossible set of facts that would in and of themselves justify war.

Mythical and impossible?

How about intelligence that is and was without question? How about some evidence?

Most of the rest of your comments continue to rely on this one idea - that only the discovery of deliverable WMDs in Iraq would retroactively justify the war or prove that Bush wasn't lying. Suppose, for instance, that the truth turns out to be, as the captured Tariq Aziz has supposedly suggested, that the last of all deliverable WMDs were destroyed on the eve of the war, for reasons having mainly to do with Saddam's political strategy. Or suppose that they were securely hidden beyond discovery. Then there would be no way, ever, for the Administration, in your view, to prove it's case (assuming one uses the unjustifiably narrow version of the case that you prefer). Indeed, it seems that the only thing that would have proven the case for you would have been if WMDs had actually been used in America or the rather unlikely event of some Iraqi or Iraq-connected terrorist being caught in the act: seized in mid-throw while hurling a Sarin grenade at a swap meet or something...

Yes, lacking evidence now certainly does weaken the case, or at the very minimum some reasonable explanation of where the WMD have gone. We either know nothing, or we aren't saying anything about the missing or non-existent weapons that were the threat of our national security.

With such statements you merely confirm the depth of your hostility to the Administration - or perhaps to its supporters. Apparently, you are like some of the anti-war types who within hours of the fall of Baghdad were predicting that WMD evidence would be planted. As the story advances, there will be plenty of opportunity for people to make judgments on the believability of whatever information comes forth. Undoubtedly, there will be many who are now so committed to disbelief that nothing will sway them. Should we expect you to be among them?

Hostility? Or need for proof. There is a difference. I supported Bush's war because he told us WMD were there and a threat to our national security. Now we are there and no WMD. It is so simple. I just want to know that I wasn't lied to next time Bush asks us to trust him.

The drug example I gave makes that quite clear about the need for evidence.

Blindly? Of course not. We can only apply our judgment to the evidence as it unfolds.

So you freely admit that your judgment concerning the missing WMD and Bush's intentions may in fact be clouded by your own personal conclusion that war was necessary and justifiable. You are admitting you are not objective, isn't that right?


I'm not sure whom you mean by "the Republicans," but, generally speaking, I don't think either side exactly covered itself in glory during the Clinton years, or provided a very good model for going forward, least of all on questions of national security.

Is that another of your attempts at humor? You don't know who the Republicans I refer to are? You don't know who voted right along party lines, to pursue Clinton despite the lack of support by the electorate as evidenced in the public opinion polls?
 
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