Quote from OPTIONAL777:
Quote from KymarFye:
Bush's "real intentions" are not the issue. The issue is what case was made and accepted. You have repeatedly claimed that Bush's case depended on "imminent threats." The major policy statement demonstrates the exact opposite. It shows a conscious and direct rejection of the need to demonstrate an imminent threat, and explicitly concedes that none had been demonstrated. Indeed, the policy is based on the idea of preventing, if possible, any truly imminent threat from arising.
I think what you just said was bullshit.
Bush's real intentions are of course the issue. Did he lie or did he tell us the truth. Did he knowlingly present false data or not.
You're mixing up two separate if related issues.
One issue is whether Bush lied to the American people. In order to show that you have anything more than suspicions, you would need to point out a specific lie.
The other issue is whether any failure to find deliverable WMDs or evidence of them in Iraq demonstrates that the case for war was false.
If one accepts that the case for war wholly or largely depended on an "imminent threat" from those WMDs, and no reason to believe such a threat actually existed can be found, then it would follow that the case was manufactured in some way, and based on flawed or fabricated evidence.
The two issues come together in the attempt to show that the evidence was fabricated, and that it was critical to the case for war. If what the evidence is said to have purported was true (that there was an imminent threat), then, even if the case was as narrow as you have consistently portrayed it to be, it wouldn't matter, because the case would be sufficient according to your own definitions. If the case was broader than you have portrayed it, then the failure to demonstrate an imminent threat becomes insignificant as to the critical issue of whether the decision to go to war was justified. Fabrication of evidence would still be wrong, if demonstrated, but would be significant in a narrower, though potentially still important way. By the same token, however, if whatever particular piece of dubious evidence was not, in fact, crucial to the case for war, then there is much less reason to suspect any nefarious motive behind presenting it.
He has been caught using bogus information to sell the country into war. Fact.
Distortion. He has been "caught" making a particular charge that, in retrospect, the Administration concluded it could not back up adequately and therefore should not have included in the SOTU. This charge was one charge among many in support of one argument among many. Your generalizing phraseology makes no distinctions at all, and is typical of the way that biased observers - including especially the writers of attack ads and headline writers seeking to grab attention - try to make a small event look like a large one.
It is my personal opinion that the Administration backed down too easily on this item. Apparently, they felt it important to make the point that they would prefer to operate only under a very high standard of confidence when deploying evidence in major policy statements.
Like it or not, it is a scandal of sorts, and it will not go away.
If that's all there is, then it's a Summer storm unlikely to be of much lasting significance.