•the evidence our government found showing Russian interference in the election
•the evidence our foreign allies found and shared with us indicating Russian interference in the election, which included internal surveillance video of Russian hackers at a Russian university
•the fact that Russia hacked the emails of Republicans and Democrats but only released Democrats’ emails
•Trump’s decision to appoint former adviser/fixer for pro-Russian and Russian-backed Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, Paul Manafort, as campaign manager
•Manafort’s discussions with a Russian billionaire offering private updates on the Trump campaign
•evidence that a server in Trump Tower communicated almost exclusively with a server at a Russian bank with ties to the Kremlin (the only other communication the server engaged in was sporadic communication with a hospital server in the US)
•the fact that after journalists asked the Trump campaign about the Trump Tower server, the server went offline
•the fact that the server was almost immediately reconfigured and it resumed communication with the Russian bank server
•Michael Flynn and son’s communication with GOP operative , Peter Smith, who was reaching out to hacker groups with connections to Russian hackers to obtain Clinton’s emails
•Flynn’s consultation work with Cambridge Analytica, the firm in charge of the Trump campaign’s data operations
•evidence that the Kremlin May have used US citizens as proxies to fund Republican campaigns •the Trump campaign’s enthusiasm at meeting with Russians for dirt on Clinton
•Trump campaign officials meeting with Russians and their subsequent amnesia about those meetings
•Kushner’s suggestion that the Russian embassy host back-channel communication between the Trump transition team and Russia
•the change to the RNC platform regarding support of Ukraine in the event of further Russian aggression, which was made at the request of the Trump campaign
•Trump’s decision to share classified information with Russian politicians
•Trump’s decision to not enforce any sanctions against Russia for interfering with our election
•Trump’s sale of a $40m property to a Russian oligarch looking to hide assets during a divorce for $100m
•sales of Trump properties (21% of all Trump property sales) to shell corporations, which is common in money laundering
•Trump’s sale of a Trump Tower apartment to Haitian dictator Baby Doc through a shell corporation, which he paid for using stolen money from the Haitian government
•Trump’s consideration of building a Trump Tower in Moscow during the campaign
•Jr’s statement that “Russians make up a pretty disproportionate cross-section of a lot of our assets. We see a lot of money pouring in from Russia.”
•the fact that since Trump’s bankruptcies, the majority of his financing comes from Deutsche Bank, which launders money for Russians
•Trump and co’s repeated attempts to undermine the investigation and investigators
•the evidence our foreign allies found and shared with us indicating Russian interference in the election, which included internal surveillance video of Russian hackers at a Russian university
•the fact that Russia hacked the emails of Republicans and Democrats but only released Democrats’ emails
•Trump’s decision to appoint former adviser/fixer for pro-Russian and Russian-backed Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, Paul Manafort, as campaign manager
•Manafort’s discussions with a Russian billionaire offering private updates on the Trump campaign
•evidence that a server in Trump Tower communicated almost exclusively with a server at a Russian bank with ties to the Kremlin (the only other communication the server engaged in was sporadic communication with a hospital server in the US)
•the fact that after journalists asked the Trump campaign about the Trump Tower server, the server went offline
•the fact that the server was almost immediately reconfigured and it resumed communication with the Russian bank server
•Michael Flynn and son’s communication with GOP operative , Peter Smith, who was reaching out to hacker groups with connections to Russian hackers to obtain Clinton’s emails
•Flynn’s consultation work with Cambridge Analytica, the firm in charge of the Trump campaign’s data operations
•evidence that the Kremlin May have used US citizens as proxies to fund Republican campaigns •the Trump campaign’s enthusiasm at meeting with Russians for dirt on Clinton
•Trump campaign officials meeting with Russians and their subsequent amnesia about those meetings
•Kushner’s suggestion that the Russian embassy host back-channel communication between the Trump transition team and Russia
•the change to the RNC platform regarding support of Ukraine in the event of further Russian aggression, which was made at the request of the Trump campaign
•Trump’s decision to share classified information with Russian politicians
•Trump’s decision to not enforce any sanctions against Russia for interfering with our election
•Trump’s sale of a $40m property to a Russian oligarch looking to hide assets during a divorce for $100m
•sales of Trump properties (21% of all Trump property sales) to shell corporations, which is common in money laundering
•Trump’s sale of a Trump Tower apartment to Haitian dictator Baby Doc through a shell corporation, which he paid for using stolen money from the Haitian government
•Trump’s consideration of building a Trump Tower in Moscow during the campaign
•Jr’s statement that “Russians make up a pretty disproportionate cross-section of a lot of our assets. We see a lot of money pouring in from Russia.”
•the fact that since Trump’s bankruptcies, the majority of his financing comes from Deutsche Bank, which launders money for Russians
•Trump and co’s repeated attempts to undermine the investigation and investigators