Obama: the real radical
By: George Will
CHARLOTTE, N.C. â Four years ago, Barack Obama was Americaâs Rorschach test upon whom voters could project their disparate yearnings. To govern, however, is to choose, and now his choices have clarified him. He is a conviction politician determined to complete the progressive project of emancipating government from the Foundersâ constraining premises, a project Woodrow Wilson embarked on 100 Novembers ago.
As such, Obama has earned what he now receives, the tribute of a serious intellectual exegesis by a distinguished political philosopher. In âI Am the Change: Barack Obama and the Crisis of Liberalism,â Charles Kesler of Claremont McKenna College rightly says Obama is âplaying a long, high-stakes game.â Concerning the stakes, Obama practices prudent reticence, not specifying Americaâs displeasing features that are fundamental. Shortly before the 2008 election, he said only: âWe are five days away from fundamentally transformingâ America. Tonight, consider Obamaâs acceptance speech in the context that Kesler gives it in the American political tradition.
Progress, as progressives understand it, means advancing away from, up from, something. But from what?
From the Constitutionâs constricting anachronisms. In 1912, Wilson said, âThe history of liberty is the history of the limitation of governmental power.â But as Kesler notes, Wilson never said the future of liberty consisted of such limitation.
Instead, he said, âevery means ⦠by which society may be perfected through the instrumentality of governmentâ should be used so that âindividual rights can be fitly adjusted and harmonized with public duties.â Rights âadjusted and harmonizedâ by government necessarily are defined and apportioned by it. Wilson, the first transformative progressive, called this the âNew Freedom.â The old kind was the Foundersâ kind â government existing to âsecureâ natural rights (see the Declaration) that pre-exist government. Wilson thought this had become an impediment to progress. The pedigree of Obamaâs thought runs straight to Wilson.
And through the second transformative progressive, Franklin Roosevelt, who counseled against the Foundersâ sober practicality and fear of government power: âWe are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the idealâ and are making government âan instrument of unimagined powerâ for social improvement. The only thing we have to fear is fear of a government of unimagined power:
âGovernment is a relation of give and take.â The ârulersâ â FDRâs word â take power from the people, who in turn are given âcertain rights.â
This, says Kesler, is âthe First Law of Big Government: the more power we give the government, the more rights it will give us.â It also is the ultimate American radicalism, striking at the roots of the American regime, the doctrine of natural rights. Remember this when next â perhaps tonight â Obama discourses on the radicalism of Paul Ryan.
As Kesler says, the logic of progressivism is: âSince our rights are dependent on government, why shouldnât we be?â This is the real meaning of Obamaâs most characteristic rhetorical trope, his incessant warning that Americans should be terrified of being âon your own.â
Obama, the fourth transformative progressive, had a chief of staff who said âyou never want a serious crisis to go to waste.â More than a century before that, a man who would become the first such progressive said a crisis is a terrible thing not to create. Crises, said Wilson, are periods of âunusual opportunityâ for gaining âa controlling and guiding influence.â So, he said, leaders should maintain a crisis atmosphere âat all times.â
Campaigning in 1964, Lyndon Johnson, the third consequential progressive, exclaimed through a bull horn: âI just want to tell you this â weâre in favor of a lot of things and weâre against mighty few.â He learned this progressive vernacular from his patron, FDR, who envisioned âan unlimited civilization capable of infinite progress.â Poet Archibald MacLeish, FDRâs choice for librarian of Congress, exemplified progressivesâ autointoxication: America has âthe abundant meansâ to create âwhatever world we have the courage to desire,â and the ability to âtake this country downâ and âbuild it again as we please,â to âtake our cities apart and put them together,â to lead our ârivers where we please to lead them,â etc.
In 2012, Americans want from government not such flights of fancy but sobriety; not ecstatic evocations of dreamlike tomorrows but a tolerably functioning today; not fantasies about a world without scarcities and therefore without choices among our desires and appetites but a mature understanding of the limits to governmentâs proper scope and actual competence. Tonightâs speech is Obamaâs last chance to take a first step toward accommodation with a country increasingly concerned about his unmasked determination to âtransformâ what the Founders considered âfundamentals.â