Cite your source. From the US Census:
"It found more than 60% of the 121 million adult men in the U.S. were fathers."
(
https://www.stgeorgeutah.com/news/a...ntage-of-us-men-who-are-fathers/#.XVzcfOhKgVA)
So unless all those fathers had children with a much smaller pool of mothers, child care costs are not insignificant and do not affect only a small minority of the population. Of course, a lot of those 74 million children will grow up and have children of their own someday. So if childcare costs go up 30% over a few years (increase in min wage could do that in some areas), then that will obviously affect a lot of people. But a big increase in a factor that has less than 1% weighting on the CPI won't show a lot of inflation. The weightings are calculated via surveys. The BLS decides which groups of people / demographics / areas to survey. Since they design that survey, they have the influence to skew results although not necessarily intentionally. Look at how many surveys by reputable agencies specialized in conducting surveys called the last election wrong. Since the weightings are smaller than I would expect for important categories, I simply question their accuracy. I suspect a bank with access to more consumer data might be able to better track inflation.
First off I want to specify that these are the kinds of intelligent, well meaning people discussions about this subject when we get to actual methodology. They're a far cry from the previous assertions that massive swaths of the economy simply aren't measured made by people who haven't the faintest clue about the measurement system.
With that in mind, I think it's important to agree that CPI is and no matter what will always be an imperfect measure. It's certainly imperfect if you want to gauge the impact of inflation you you specifically, because unless you're an exactly average American, which from the methodology is nearly impossible, you'll be impacted more in some areas and less in others than the average American. That doesn't make the methodology faulty. To your example, I'm a father, I paid childcare costs for a grand total of 7 years when my kids were between the ages of 0 and 6, plus let's add the cost of summer day camps and say I also paid for 1/3 of the year from ages 6 to 12. So assume I live the average male age of 78 years, I was impacted by childcare cost inflation for 10 years, or 13% of my life. If 60% of adult men are fathers, and they're impacted for 13% of their lives, that's 8% of the population at any given time that's even exposed to that cost at all. Even if my numbers are off by half, you're still talking about an inflation that should have a fairly low weighting because for an average American averaged over their lifetime it's a small part of their lifetime outlay on cost of living.
The issue of newer better products is another one without a perfect answer. A perfect example of this is prescription drug costs, which we all agree are inflating at a rate far higher than general inflation. But are they really? How much does the exact same high blood pressure drug someone took in 1999 cost today vs then? A tiny fraction, in fact if you tracked the price of drugs individually they
deflate massively when they go off patent. So if you decided that the BLS should not account for improvements, just blindly track the change in price of of products that were available both in year X and today, you'd get a wildly unrealistic view of this segment, for sure. In fact nearly the entire medical field suffers from this, the cost of medical care isn't actually going up if you compare like for like. If you were OK to settle for 1980s level cancer treatment you wouldn't pay much for it. But we all want the latest greatest, and because the latest greatest is getting more and more sophisticated it costs more and more.
Similar but somewhat different angle with electronics. If we wanted to make the original flip phone at scale today it would cost a buck, so do we massively deflate the cost of phones? And if I gave you the choice of a mint condition, never used flip phone with no historical value (and assumed the networks still existed to use it on) or a new smart phone, you'd clearly be willing to pay more for the new smart phone, or at least an average consumer would, so it would be silly to say that you shouldn't account for that increase in value the market is attributing to the increase in features. The right answer is somewhere in the middle, and has to be somewhat subjective, but the fact it's subjective doesn't make it invalid. It's simply the best solution we have to a problem that doesn't have a perfect solution.
A couple of asides, the Big Mack PPP model is a thing the Economist does only somewhat tongue in cheek. It's a decent rough model, but goes wildly out of whack in a few places for a few reasons.