DeSantis for the win

It appears that DeSantis' favorite state AG is incapable of even reading a decision and understanding it. However this is the level of poor cognitive ability we have come to expect from his administration.

‘Did You Read It?’: Florida AG Heckled for Praising Her Own ‘Near Complete Loss’ Over Conservative Social Media Law Deemed Unconstitutional Under First Amendment
https://lawandcrime.com/first-amend...eemed-unconstitutional-under-first-amendment/

Florida Attorney General Ashley Moody (R) praised a federal court decision blocking most of the Sunshine State’s new self-styled anti-censorship social media law. Moody is a named defendant in the lawsuit challenging the law. She has previously praised the effort by Gov. Ron DeSantis’s (R) administration to exert strong government oversight and regulation over certain social media companies.

“We are pleased the court recognized the state’s authority to rein in social media companies and upheld major portions of Florida’s law leading the way in doing so,” Moody tweeted on Monday afternoon. “We will continue to vigorously defend Florida’s authority to demand accountability from Big Tech.”

The attorney general’s effusive response to the court’s decision, however, was criticized by legal experts who pointed out that the core of the law was actually kept on ice due to First Amendment concerns. Specifically, Florida is still blocked from punishing companies like Facebook and Twitter who “deplatform” political candidates.

Only minor portions of the law were allowed to take effect.

University of Texas Law Professor Steve Vladeck categorized Moody’s response to the decision as “quite a take.”

Vladeck went on to say that the ruling comes “from a deeply conservative Eleventh Circuit panel (i.e., judges most likely to be sympathetic)” and noted that the appellate opinion “unanimously kept the key parts of Florida’s law on hold because they’re “substantially likely” to *violate* the First Amendment.”

In June 2021, U.S. District Judge Robert Hinkle issued a preliminary injunction–barring the law, in its entirety, from taking effect.

“The legislation now at issue was an effort to rein in social-media providers deemed too large and too liberal,” the lower court said. “Balancing the exchange of ideas among private speakers is not a legitimate governmental interest.”

On Monday, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit largely kept Hinkle’s injunction in place. The law, SB 7072, is made up of 12 substantive statutory provisions–amendments and additions–to the Florida Statutes. The appeals court affirmed the injunction for seven of those subsections and vacated the injunction for five. The decisions on what parts of the law are allowed to stand and which parts will continue to be barred were made on the basis of what the court deemed to be their likely constitutionality.

While numerically a mixed bag, the ruling decidedly blocks more of the law than it allows to stand and the opinion itself harshly upbraids the State of Florida for attempting to violate the First Amendment.

“Not in their wildest dreams could anyone in the Founding generation have imagined Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, or TikTok,” Circuit Judge Kevin Newsom, a Donald Trump appointee, begins. “But ‘whatever the challenges of applying the Constitution to ever-advancing technology, the basic principles of freedom of speech and the press, like the First Amendment’s command, do not vary when a new and different medium for communication appears.'”

The opinion sketches out why SB 7072 is mostly unconstitutional:

We hold that it is substantially likely that social-media companies—even the biggest ones—are “private actors” whose rights the First Amendment protects, that their so-called “content-moderation” decisions constitute protected exercises of editorial judgment, and that the provisions of the new Florida law that restrict large platforms’ ability to engage in content moderation unconstitutionally burden that prerogative. We further conclude that it is substantially likely that one of the law’s particularly onerous disclosure provisions—which would require covered platforms to provide a “thorough rationale” for each and every content-moderation decision they make—violates the First Amendment. Accordingly, we hold that the companies are entitled to a preliminary injunction prohibiting enforcement of those provisions.

The opinion goes on to allow Florida to enforce three subsections that require companies to publish certain non-controversial information, provide users with certain data if they ask for it, and tell political candidates about certain advertising policies. But the court itself, on its own terms, minimizes what’s left for Florida here.

“Taking stock: We conclude that social-media platforms’ content-moderation activities—permitting, removing, prioritizing, and deprioritizing users and posts—constitute ‘speech’ within the meaning of the First Amendment,” Newsom goes on. “All but one of S.B. 7072’s operative provisions implicate platforms’ First Amendment rights.”

The judge goes on to offer several lectures on free speech and social media–preemptively warning that this section of the opinion “would be too obvious to mention if it weren’t so often lost or obscured in political rhetoric,” an implicit rebuke to certain politicians who have offered increasingly distorted understandings of what, exactly, constitutes protected speech under First Amendment jurisprudence.

“No one has an obligation to contribute to or consume the content that the platforms make available,” Newsom notes. “And correlatively, while the Constitution protects citizens from governmental efforts to restrict their access to social media, no one has a vested right to force a platform to allow her to contribute to or consume social-media content.”

The opinion also holds out the distinct possibility that the minor provisions they allowed to stand for now will prove to be “unduly burdensome” and might eventually get struck down anyway.

Moody’s praise for the decision—which essentially guts Florida’s efforts to rein in social media companies’ ability to censor and moderate certain content and users—did not go unnoticed.





Moody, for her part, has also supported similar legislation, based on SB 7072, in Texas–notably by filing an amicus brief in support of the Lone Star State’s law. She would later post about her support for the Texas law on Twitter. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit famously upheld that law earlier this month.

DeSantis and Moody, in recent briefs, unsuccessfully pressed Newsom and the other other judges on the panel to vacate the entirety of the SB 7072 injunction by citing to the Fifth Circuit’s ruling.

In a turnabout being fair play situation, the plaintiffs seeking to overturn the Texas law immediately filed a motion citing the 11th Circuit’s Monday decision with the U.S. Supreme Court.

TLDR

Just the same spam from the obsessed NPC.
 
Let's give you the short version -- DeSantis' state AG is too stupid to understand that the state lost the social media case badly rather than winning the case.

I certainly appreciate the brevity. Maybe one day you can be brief and objective!
 
I certainly appreciate the brevity. Maybe one day you can be brief and objective!

I provide the article -- since you are always demanding "evidence" or "data". If you want brevity just read my brief comments at the top and the article title -- and you have all the information you need. Both brief and objective.
 
I provide the article -- since you are always demanding "evidence" or "data". If you want brevity just read my brief comments at the top and the article title -- and you have all the information you need. Both brief and objective.

OH yeah, all you do is provide the article. I'm curious, who provides the initial bolded, colored font with the shrieking the precedes the article? Is that Baron editing your posts?

Also, do you provide articles that tell the stories from both sides of the aisle? Or do you just post Orlando Sentinel, Blog Mickey, Rawstory, etc?

No one here believes you to be objective. No one. Not even your fellow liberals.
 
OH yeah, all you do is provide the article. I'm curious, who provides the initial bolded, colored font with the shrieking the precedes the article? Is that Baron editing your posts?

Also, do you provide articles that tell the stories from both sides of the aisle? Or do you just post Orlando Sentinel, Blog Mickey, Rawstory, etc?

No one here believes you to be objective. No one. Not even your fellow liberals.

"your fellow liberals" -- lots of laughs.
 
Let's take a look at how authoritarians work...

Trump, DeSantis, Viktor Orban and the Use of Political Payback
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/24/opinion/trump-desantis-viktor-orban.html

The Conservative Political Action Conference, or CPAC, held its first Hungarian edition last week. Attendees were welcomed with an opening speech by Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who instructed them on how the “international liberal left” was defeated.

Mr. Orban has received attention in the United States for promoting global culture wars — defending Christian civilization, ethnic purity and traditional gender roles against “woke” challenges.

But some of his advice at CPAC Hungary might have reflected his background as a lawyer: “Those who play by their opponents’ rules are certain to lose.” Indeed, since coming to power in 2010, Mr. Orban has written his own rules, promulgating a new Constitution and hundreds of new laws to lock in his gains.

The secret to Mr. Orban’s longevity in office has been using those rules in ways that go far beyond social-conservative culture. He has also deployed his own rules in the realm of material benefits. He has effectively used political payback to inflict economic pain on his opponents while bestowing financial benefits on loyalists.

And it appears his American conservative admirers have taken notice. During Donald Trump’s presidency and in red states like Florida, political punishment has become a way of doing business.

Certain Republicans and Mr. Orban share political payback as a strategy of governing and a way for the state’s economic power to consolidate partisan political power. The rules are simple: Make your enemies pay; let your friends prosper.

We don’t know for sure whether one side influenced the other. But the connections between Mr. Orban and his Republican admirers are personal and have expanded in recent years. In 2010, Republican political consultants helped engineer Mr. Orban’s 2010 election victory, and they continued to assist Mr. Orban even while their team branched out to help organize the Trump 2016 campaign. Mr. Trump surrounded himself with Mr. Orban’s friends in Washington, such as Sebastian Gorka and Kurt Volker. The former president’s Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar attended conferences promoting social-conservative policy with Mr. Orban’s former Minister of Family Affairs Katalin Novak, recently inaugurated as the new president of Hungary.

In Hungary under Mr. Orban, political payback is common. Mr. Orban first targeted the independent and opposition media by directing state-funded advertising to pro-government outlets. He has used state regulatory power to shift business from unfriendly hands to friendly ones, starting with a law that required tobacco sellers to be licensed by the state. (Many of those licenses were awarded to government supporters.) With tobacco as a model, Mr. Orban opened similar efforts in the banking, energy and telecom sectors. Owners whose businesses failed to support the governing party have been sidelined, while party loyalists gained. When discontent with Mr. Orban overflowed and his party lost many of the country’s big cities in the 2019 local elections, he cut major sources of revenue for opposition cities so that their mayors would appear incompetent without resources.

As president, Mr. Trump was accused of political partisanship in many cases affecting blue-state voters and governments. He refused to greenlight the New York Gateway tunnel project. His administration initially refused to provide wildfire assistance to California and was accused of raising hurdles in distributing hurricane relief in nonvoting Puerto Rico. When the media reported unfavorably on Mr. Trump’s presidency, he — like Mr. Orban — picked fights with perceived opponents, repeatedly threatening Amazon in order to punish Jeff Bezos, owner of Amazon and The Washington Post,and openly criticized the merger of AT&T and CNN’s owner at the time, Time Warner.

Some red states are now catching on to the politics of payback. In 2018, Georgia’s Republican legislature approved a bill that stripped out a tax break that would have benefited Delta Air Lines after the company decided to end a promotional discount for National Rifle Association members. A Texas legislator recently threatened to introduce a bill that would prevent Citigroup from underwriting Texas municipal bonds unless it stopped its policy of paying the travel expenses of employees who seek abortions outside the state.

Probably the best-known recent efforts have come from Florida, where Republican lawmakers voted to revoke Disney’s special tax status after the company condemned Gov. Ron DeSantis’s education law (known by critics as “Don’t Say Gay”). This sounded familiar. Last summer, Mr. Orban passed a law banning the display of L.G.B.T.Q. content to minors.

Retribution is the method of the bully. By punishing opponents for minor or even imagined infractions, all but the bravest opponents slink away. And it generates compliance. That’s precisely why it is a useful tactic. Only a few need to be targeted for many to toe the party line. Payback also generates loyalty. Friends stay close when they benefit from government largess.

In Hungary, this is all legal, because Mr. Orban doesn’t play by opponents’ rules. He makes his own. As a clever lawyer, Mr. Orban knows that if he can legalize anything, he can use state resources to punish enemies and benefit friends without liability.

Mr. Orban’s party controls everything that matters in Hungary, so he controls the law. Like Mr. Orban, Mr. DeSantis is also a clever lawyer — and for now, his party controls the offices of secretary of state, attorney general and both chambers of the state legislature in Florida.

If Mr. Trump is succeeded by a more disciplined party leader who can control all three branches and lock in partisan advantage by law, then payback could become the currency of the realm.

Does political payback have limits? Elections can replace the bullies, as Mr. Trump has now seen. Mr. DeSantis faces the discipline of a balanced state budget.

But these controls assume that constitutional government still works. The opposition in Hungary faces enormous obstacles (like a mostly one-sided media environment and rigged rules) to winning through elections. Mr. Orban has captured and dismantled all of the checks on his power. Will the Republican Party succeed in doing the same here? While elections still have consequences, voters will need to say no.
 
"your fellow liberals" -- lots of laughs.

You are a liberal. You're the quintessential example of the graph Musk showed where people who were once moderately left have moved dramatically to the left. You should make a poll on this forum. Ask everyone whether they believe you are moderate or not. Ask if they believe you are objective. If the majority say you are, I will leave the forum forever. If they say you are not, you leave the forum forever.

What say you?

(silence)
 
Let's take a look at how authoritarians work...

Trump, DeSantis, Viktor Orban and the Use of Political Payback
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/24/opinion/trump-desantis-viktor-orban.html

The Conservative Political Action Conference, or CPAC, held its first Hungarian edition last week. Attendees were welcomed with an opening speech by Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who instructed them on how the “international liberal left” was defeated.

Mr. Orban has received attention in the United States for promoting global culture wars — defending Christian civilization, ethnic purity and traditional gender roles against “woke” challenges.

But some of his advice at CPAC Hungary might have reflected his background as a lawyer: “Those who play by their opponents’ rules are certain to lose.” Indeed, since coming to power in 2010, Mr. Orban has written his own rules, promulgating a new Constitution and hundreds of new laws to lock in his gains.

The secret to Mr. Orban’s longevity in office has been using those rules in ways that go far beyond social-conservative culture. He has also deployed his own rules in the realm of material benefits. He has effectively used political payback to inflict economic pain on his opponents while bestowing financial benefits on loyalists.

And it appears his American conservative admirers have taken notice. During Donald Trump’s presidency and in red states like Florida, political punishment has become a way of doing business.

Certain Republicans and Mr. Orban share political payback as a strategy of governing and a way for the state’s economic power to consolidate partisan political power. The rules are simple: Make your enemies pay; let your friends prosper.

We don’t know for sure whether one side influenced the other. But the connections between Mr. Orban and his Republican admirers are personal and have expanded in recent years. In 2010, Republican political consultants helped engineer Mr. Orban’s 2010 election victory, and they continued to assist Mr. Orban even while their team branched out to help organize the Trump 2016 campaign. Mr. Trump surrounded himself with Mr. Orban’s friends in Washington, such as Sebastian Gorka and Kurt Volker. The former president’s Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar attended conferences promoting social-conservative policy with Mr. Orban’s former Minister of Family Affairs Katalin Novak, recently inaugurated as the new president of Hungary.

In Hungary under Mr. Orban, political payback is common. Mr. Orban first targeted the independent and opposition media by directing state-funded advertising to pro-government outlets. He has used state regulatory power to shift business from unfriendly hands to friendly ones, starting with a law that required tobacco sellers to be licensed by the state. (Many of those licenses were awarded to government supporters.) With tobacco as a model, Mr. Orban opened similar efforts in the banking, energy and telecom sectors. Owners whose businesses failed to support the governing party have been sidelined, while party loyalists gained. When discontent with Mr. Orban overflowed and his party lost many of the country’s big cities in the 2019 local elections, he cut major sources of revenue for opposition cities so that their mayors would appear incompetent without resources.

As president, Mr. Trump was accused of political partisanship in many cases affecting blue-state voters and governments. He refused to greenlight the New York Gateway tunnel project. His administration initially refused to provide wildfire assistance to California and was accused of raising hurdles in distributing hurricane relief in nonvoting Puerto Rico. When the media reported unfavorably on Mr. Trump’s presidency, he — like Mr. Orban — picked fights with perceived opponents, repeatedly threatening Amazon in order to punish Jeff Bezos, owner of Amazon and The Washington Post,and openly criticized the merger of AT&T and CNN’s owner at the time, Time Warner.

Some red states are now catching on to the politics of payback. In 2018, Georgia’s Republican legislature approved a bill that stripped out a tax break that would have benefited Delta Air Lines after the company decided to end a promotional discount for National Rifle Association members. A Texas legislator recently threatened to introduce a bill that would prevent Citigroup from underwriting Texas municipal bonds unless it stopped its policy of paying the travel expenses of employees who seek abortions outside the state.

Probably the best-known recent efforts have come from Florida, where Republican lawmakers voted to revoke Disney’s special tax status after the company condemned Gov. Ron DeSantis’s education law (known by critics as “Don’t Say Gay”). This sounded familiar. Last summer, Mr. Orban passed a law banning the display of L.G.B.T.Q. content to minors.

Retribution is the method of the bully. By punishing opponents for minor or even imagined infractions, all but the bravest opponents slink away. And it generates compliance. That’s precisely why it is a useful tactic. Only a few need to be targeted for many to toe the party line. Payback also generates loyalty. Friends stay close when they benefit from government largess.

In Hungary, this is all legal, because Mr. Orban doesn’t play by opponents’ rules. He makes his own. As a clever lawyer, Mr. Orban knows that if he can legalize anything, he can use state resources to punish enemies and benefit friends without liability.

Mr. Orban’s party controls everything that matters in Hungary, so he controls the law. Like Mr. Orban, Mr. DeSantis is also a clever lawyer — and for now, his party controls the offices of secretary of state, attorney general and both chambers of the state legislature in Florida.

If Mr. Trump is succeeded by a more disciplined party leader who can control all three branches and lock in partisan advantage by law, then payback could become the currency of the realm.

Does political payback have limits? Elections can replace the bullies, as Mr. Trump has now seen. Mr. DeSantis faces the discipline of a balanced state budget.

But these controls assume that constitutional government still works. The opposition in Hungary faces enormous obstacles (like a mostly one-sided media environment and rigged rules) to winning through elections. Mr. Orban has captured and dismantled all of the checks on his power. Will the Republican Party succeed in doing the same here? While elections still have consequences, voters will need to say no.

What has this to do with DeSantis?
 
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