ANTI-WAR/USA BASHERS: WHERE ARE YOU NOW, MFERS?!?!

Quote from msfe:

Year Resolution Vetoed by the USA

1972 Condemns Israel for killing hundreds of people in Syria and Lebanon in air raids.

2002 Condemns the killing of UK worker for the United Nations by Israeli forces.
BFD. Russia's total is higher. Why don't you post those?

Veto history

USSR/Russia: 120 vetoes.

U.S.: 76 vetoes. Blocked 35 resolutions criticizing Israel.

Britain: 32 vetoes, 23 times with the United States. All solo U.K. vetoes on Zimbabwe.

France: 18 vetoes, 13 with the United States and Britain.

China: 5 vetoes.
 
Quote from Babak:

The other very important thing I forgot to mention in the above post is that ashura is a VERY emotional time for Shii Muslims. They simply go ape-shit. Other religions have similar rites (Easter in Sevilla for example) but non so shocking and bloody.

I dare say a Western observer on the street (as opposed to TV or pictures in magazines) would soil themselves if they saw upclose what they do to themselves.
... .
:p

I've seen it and it is scary.
 
Quote from AAAintheBeltway:

Sounds like we'd be better off if we just got out of the UN.
The entire UN system is steeped in a morass of bureaucracy that makes it highly inefficient.
 
Quote from AAAintheBeltway:

I know KymarFye disagrees with me on this, and I have a lot of respect for his opinions. But I think there is a lot of evidence accumulating that we are letting things slip away from us in Iraq.

Well, as you say, I disagree. You might conceivably draw some comfort from Victor Davis Hanson's latest observations, under the apt title "Time Is on Our Side." I think you'd find the entire piece worth reading (as usual, it's great "boring rightwing crap").

http://www.nationalreview.com/hanson/hanson042503.asp

Key excerpts:

...[F]or the first time in decades, time is on our side in that part of the world. Most would laugh at such optimism. But billions of dollars in world aid will soon pour into Baghdad, as oil revenues now freed from Saddam's clutches are used to finance reconstruction projections. Kuwait and other Gulf states have experience in building businesses and will be eager to invest in Iraq; they themselves are more likely to liberalize than to return to reactionary fundamentalism. And — unfortunately — we have about a year's worth of grisly discoveries to come from some 30 years' worth of Saddam's terror. So it is odd to say that "the war was easy, the peace will be the hard part" — as if defeating Hitler and Tojo had been easier than the postbellum reconstruction of Germany and Japan.

Regarding Iran, specifically:

Iran may think it smart to use its fundamentalist agents to undermine the American achievement in Iraq. But look at the newly constituted map, where it suddenly finds itself surrounded by reformist movements. The omnipresence of the United States, twenty years of failure inside Iran, and the attractions of American popular culture will insidiously undermine the medieval reign of the mullahs faster than it can do harm to the foundations of democracy in Baghdad.

What will the theocracy do when Internet cafes, uncensored television and radio, and free papers spring up across the border in Iraq? How, after all, do you fight such a strangely off-the-wall culture as our own, which turns the villainous Mohammed Saeed al-Sahaf into "Baghdad Bob," with his own website and a cult following, replete with T-shirts and coffee mugs — or prints out thousands of decks of playing cards decorated with the names and pictures of Iraqi fascists?

The last illutrations may sound a little flippant, but there's an important element of truth to the larger point on Iran's susceptibility to further cultural "infection."

Next we allowed the Shiites to get a foothold. We should have put the whole place under lockdown and curfew. Instead we have a million potential jihadists getting marching orders and getting their blood up.
* * *
Do we send our troops out into the streets to restore order, even if it means they have to mow down tens of thousands of Shiites, or do we just basically abdicate to them? With Iran, we didn't even have to do the killing, the Iranian military was only too willing to do it. Here it looks like we'll have to do it.

I strongly disagree with you here, and I can't imagine a situation under which it would ever be either in our interests or justifiable for us to "mow down tens of thousands of Shiites." If and when whatever jihadists - likely, as ever, to be a very small number of the most easily manipulated from the ranks of more passive co-religionists - attempt acts of violence and terror, we and whatever Iraqi authority will have every right and reason to defend ourselves and our friends and to go after the perpetrators and their sponsors forcefully. Under any other circumstances, including the temporary assumption of authority in fundamentalist strongholds, we'll do much better to live and let live.

It's worth pointing out also that the Shia of Iraq have every reason in the world not to hand their trust and their interests over to us. We mostly abandoned them in '91, letting Saddam kill an estimated 100,000 of them, and devastate their homelands environmentally, in the process putting down an uprising that we initially encouraged. On a moral level, it made Bay of Pigs look like a practical joke. In a sense, we deserve to have a hard time (not that our soldiers and our Iraqi allies deserve as individuals to be hurt - but they may be, and it will partly be our own fault). More to the point, over the course of the last 20 years, Saddam is estimated to have killed another 200 to 300,000 Shias during the "normal" exercise of state terror. Even if clamping down on them was practical and justifiable, there's very little we're likely to do, even after putting on our best tough guy expressions, that's going to impress them very much.

Still, for all the typically alarmist and slanted mass media reporting, I've seen nothing yet that contradicts what most experts (including those of Shia background) have stressed - that, though the overall situation is delicate and difficult, it's a mistake to assume that a few demonstrations organized by a few fundamentalists represent the will of the entirety of the Shia population, much less of the majority of Iraqis.

In addition to VDH's piece, others you might find of interest would be David Warren's more cautious but non-despairing essay on post-war matters, and Den Beste's latest thinking (near the end of a long essay written as a follow-up to the one I quoted on the "Why Do They Hate Us?" thread):

http://www.davidwarrenonline.com/Comment/Apr03/index133.shtml

http://www.denbeste.nu/cd_log_entries/2003/04/Victory.shtml

I'd also recommend returned Iraqi exile Kanan Makiya's TNR "War Diaries," though they've now gone "subscription required." His reports on the ground are even-handed and revelatory, and in critical ways much more positive than typical mass media reporting.
 
KF,

I desperately hope you're right. Actually, I do think the situation in Iran is close to boiling over. Of course, you know what that might mean. another agonizing decision. Let's say secular reformers and people who are just damn tired of the ayotollahs get some traction and start mounting street protests. Let's say they begin to attract hundreds of thousands, the clerics panic and send out their thugs to start killing them. We have a couple of divisions sitting around in Iraq. What do we do?

And I think the Bay of Pigs analogy is spot on. We hung the Shiites and Kurds out to dry.
 
Quote from AAAintheBeltway:

We hung the Shiites and Kurds out to dry.
Boy did we ever! You really can't blame them for being just a tad skeptical and resentful. Who wouldn't be?
 
Quote from AAAintheBeltway:

Let's say secular reformers and people who are just damn tired of the ayotollahs get some traction and start mounting street protests. Let's say they begin to attract hundreds of thousands, the clerics panic and send out their thugs to start killing them. We have a couple of divisions sitting around in Iraq. What do we do?

Interesting question. Sounds like the background scenario for a military thriller. In another way, we're already in a slow motion version of that situation.

In that the likelihood of aggressive Iranian military action against us is virtually nil, and that the Iranian opposition isn't of the type that fields a revolutionary army and occupies liberated territory, I don't think there's any way that we intervene militarily in Iran. It's also my impression from what I've read about Iran that massive repressive violence of the type you describe is unlikely. The defenders of the Islamic revolution have been willing to squelch opposition speech, punish non-conformists, and imprison opponents, but they've also been forced to back down when confronted by popular will - thus their possible vulnerability to a "people power" or "velvet" revolution. If repressive action anything like what you describe was attempted, it would probably be rightly seen as a sign that the end was truly near for theocratic rule. As for our response, we'd most likely accelerate efforts to isolate and undermine the mullahs, and to support the opposition, and otherwise watch how events developed. The one thing we wouldn't want to do is make it easy for them to rally support against an external enemy.

Maybe someone with greater knowledge about Iran's situation could address the prospects.
 
Quote from AAAintheBeltway:

We hung the Shiites and Kurds out to dry.

The Kurds have forgiven the US because for more than 10 years they have protected them from Saddam (no fly zone) as well as provided them with aid. That is why Garner was greeted with flower petals and kids waving the US flag. Actually the Kurds are living rather well. They have their own government, newspapers, cell phones, etc... A totally different world compared to a few miles in central Iraq.
 
Interesting report on how the US Marines in one Shia city have dealt with an Iran-backed wanna-be.

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationw...6apr26,1,3201208.story?coll=la-home-headlines

EXCERPTS:

AL KUT, Iraq -- Said Abbas sat in the governor's chair, signed papers as the governor, gave speeches as the governor, even had a governor's assistant who wore a smart yellow jacket with a black tie. But the Marines had another title for him: squatter.

In postwar Iraq, every ethnic group, religious group and social group is trying to stake its claim. Abbas claimed Al Kut, making it impossible for the Marines to consolidate power and get the Tigris River city of 300,000 running again. So on Friday, Abbas was given an ultimatum: Leave or face arrest. Not long before the Marines stormed City Hall, Abbas slipped out the back door.

***

Whatever the truth is about the rotund Abbas, who is affiliated with the Iran-based Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, he was undeniably an embarrassment to the Americans, a symbol of their failure to fill a power vacuum that arose in Iraq when Saddam Hussein's regime fell.

***
So as long as he sat in the governor's chair, and as long as his followers occupied the building associated with power, Abbas was perceived as having power. His followers, hundreds if not thousands of young men, camped outside his office to protect him. Local tribal leaders stopped by to pay their respects. Religious leaders praised him in their sermons.

Abbas soaked it up, until the letter came. The Marines decided they had had enough. Shortly before 6 p.m. Friday, Abbas decided not to fight and left. Not long after, the Marines arrived in force, with Humvees surrounding the building and young men armed with M-16s and steely stares taking up positions as crowds of men, some astonished, some angry, others just curious, poured into the streets.

"Everyone should go home," the Marines announced in booming Arabic from speakers mounted atop their vehicles. "It is not a movie. A single shot and it will be a real battle here."

Suddenly, Abbas was gone and the United States demonstrated once again that authority can come at the end of a rifle.
 
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